Dangerous Work: Cy Endfield, Film Noir, and the Blacklist

Two of Cy Endfield’s best films begin the same way: with a man alone, on the road, looking for work. The feeling of displacement and precarity cuts close to the bone for a director whose career was disrupted by the Hollywood blacklist, which drove him into exile. Biographer Brian Neve concluded that Endfield “never quite moved beyond a mode of struggle and survival.” Yet struggle and survival are essential themes in his work.
The Sound of Fury (a.k.a. Try and Get Me!, 1950) opens at a truck stop somewhere in the vast and lonely American night. An unemployed man hitches a ride with a trucker back to the California suburb where he moved his family in pursuit of the postwar dream of sunbelt prosperity. Broke and humiliated, he will soon succumb to the lure of easy money, teaming up with a petty criminal and plunging into a nightmare of guilt and punishment. This searing portrait of mob violence and moral collapse was released the year before Endfield fled the United States to avoid testifying before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). He found refuge in England, where in 1957 he cowrote and directed Hell Drivers. In the first scene, a man shows up at the headquarters of a trucking company seeking a job, bearing a fake license and carrying his only belongings in a brown paper parcel. He is an ex-con just trying to stay out of trouble and earn some honest money, but he will learn that in a crooked world there are no clean jobs: there are only the hustlers and the hustled.
To understand the link between film noir and the Hollywood blacklist, one need look no further than films like these, which portray crime and violence not as forces emerging from the shadows to prey on society, but as inevitable results of the competition and greed bred by capitalist systems. It is no coincidence that so many of the artists investigated by HUAC for alleged Communist ties or sympathies had noir credits. Under the cover of pulpy “crime thrillers” or “crime melodramas,” as they were known (they would be retroactively labeled film noir, a term first applied to them by French critics in 1946), filmmakers could smuggle out subversive visions of America as a society so poisoned by the worship of success that the imperative of getting ahead justifies corruption and betrayal, and no one can be trusted. These are social-problem films without solutions, without a glimmer of hope for change—that is what makes them noir.
The disillusionment and pessimism that coursed through film noir sprang, in part, from the state of the American left during the early years of the Cold War. Back in the 1930s, the Great Depression had made radical anticapitalist critiques virtually mainstream, and progressive idealism was channeled into union organizing, WPA art projects, and the fight against fascism. After the war, with Senator Joseph McCarthy and his allies whipping up anti-Communist hysteria to support an all-out assault on the left and the New Deal, even patriotic liberals found themselves smeared as disloyal “reds.” The HUAC hearings into Hollywood were a publicity coup and a brilliant way to divide and weaken the left. What Endfield later described as a “contemptible exercise” in “headline mongering” began in 1947, with the sensational conviction of the “Hollywood Ten” for contempt of Congress and the subsequent announcement by the unified studio heads that they would not employ anyone targeted by the committee unless they cooperated and cleared their names—the beginning of the blacklist.
As Thom Andersen and Noël Burch suggested in their 1996 essay film Red Hollywood, HUAC’s scrutiny was a backhanded acknowledgement of the potent use of cinema by left-wing artists, some of whom were or had at one time been Community Party members—which was not a breach of any law. Andersen coined the term film gris (grey film) for a cycle of socially conscious crime movies made in the ominous lull between the first round of hearings in 1947 and the far more extensive series that revved up in 1951. Under a cloud of suspicion, future blacklistees produced their most urgent diagnoses of a sick society: films about racism (Intruder in the Dust [1949], written by Ben Maddow), lynching (The Sound of Fury and Joseph Losey’s The Lawless [1950]), the corruption spawned by cutthroat business practices (Jules Dassin’s Thieves’ Highway [1949]), and the despair instilled by poverty (John Berry’s He Ran All the Way [1951]). To conservatives, these films were un-American. To outspoken “unfriendly witnesses” like Dalton Trumbo, what was un-American was HUAC’s endeavor to police citizens’ political affiliations and stifle free speech. In this, although they succeeded in ruining careers and upending lives, they were only partially successful, because many blacklistees continued to work either under fronts or, like Cy Endfield, overseas.
Endfield was in many ways typical of those targeted by HUAC. He was the son of Jewish immigrants from Poland and Hungary; during the hearings, congressmen often made a point of reading out the birth names of Jewish witnesses to emphasize their foreignness. (Endfield’s father changed his family name from Koniećpolski when he came to the United States.) Born in Scranton, Pennsylvania, Cyril was a bright student who earned a place at Yale, where in the early 1930s he got involved with the progressive theater movement and the Young Communist League, encouraged by an epistolary friendship with the future screenwriter Paul Jarrico (born Israel Shapiro), who would also be blacklisted. Endfield, who considered himself less an ideologue than an “incorrigible experimenter,” had a lifelong fascination with science, invention, and card magic. It was his gift for sleight of hand that got him a foot in the door in the film industry, when his card tricks impressed fellow magic enthusiast Orson Welles, and he was taken on as an apprentice with the Mercury Theatre Group at RKO.
His directorial debut was a 1943 propaganda short called Inflation, starring Edward Arnold as the devil in the guise of a tycoon who encourages Americans to overspend, hoard, and profiteer, all with the aim of harming the economy and helping Hitler. Commissioned by the Office of War Information, it was rejected as too harsh an attack on capitalism and pulled from distribution on its opening day. Endfield toiled for much of the decade making shorts and low-budget programmers. The first film he considered a legitimate work of his own was The Argyle Secrets (1948), a B detective yarn that he punched up with dynamic and economical style. The story turns on a provocative premise that harks back to Inflation: the object everyone is hunting for and fighting over is a book, the Argyle Album, that lists businessmen who were prepared to collaborate with the Nazis in the event of an Allied defeat.
In 1950, Endfield finally hit his stride with two features; film gris hardly describes the inky blackness and acid bite of their social protest. Mined with references to blacklisting, phone tapping, smear campaigns, and witch-burning, The Underworld Story indicts a cowardly, conformist society in thrall to the rich, but it avoids preachiness by adopting the cynical, muckraking spirit of its newspaperman antihero. The protagonists in all of Endfield’s best films are flawed, compromised men; his vision, though humane, was essentially antiheroic.
The Sound of Fury was adapted by Jo Pagano from his own novel, The Condemned, in turn based on a notorious lynching in San Jose in 1933—the same case that inspired Fritz Lang’s first American film, Fury (1936). Endfield made uncredited contributions to the script, though he fought in vain to cut down a subplot that needlessly spells out the film’s message, using a visiting Italian physicist as a mouthpiece for humanistic values of compassion and social responsibility. In an attempt to recoup its investment after the film’s initial poor reception, United Artists changed the title to Try and Get Me! and marketed it as a pulse-racing thriller. But there was nothing they could do about the film’s scathing portrait of a crass, money-grubbing, and violent American culture, inscribed in sharply observed details and shabby, abraded settings.

After a precredit prologue that engulfs the viewer in a mood of apocalyptic dread, the film opens with Howard Tyler (Frank Lovejoy) returning to the fictional suburb of Santa Sierra from a fruitless trip in search of a job. Home is a cramped little bungalow behind a flimsy wire fence, where he is met by his whiny young son demanding a quarter to go to a baseball game (“All the other kids are goin’!”) and his pregnant wife reminding him of the money they owe for groceries. A bartender in a bowling alley sneers at Howard when he objects to being served a more expensive imported beer. His shame and desperation set him up to fall for the line offered by Jerry (Lloyd Bridges), a preening, manic petty criminal he meets at the bowling alley. Jerry flaunts his muscles and cash and boasts of his sexual conquests, before inviting Howard to drive the getaway car for his robberies of gas stations and liquor stores. The law-abiding everyman hesitates only for a moment before signing on.
His family is elated by their sudden prosperity, which he explains with a lie about a night-shift job. Soon he’s buying shoes for his wife and toy guns for his kid with hot money, guzzling booze to dull the guilt and stress of his outlaw life. In a daze, he goes along with Jerry’s plan to kidnap a wealthy young man for ransom, then watches in horror as his partner brutally murders their trussed victim—first erupting in envy and resentment as he fingers the man’s tailor-made suit. When Howard comes home afterward, his wife wakes up and tells him about a dream she was having: she had the baby, and this time it didn’t hurt at all. “I got right up out of the hospital and took her shopping. I was buying her a pinafore.” Even in her dreams she is a consumer, conflating material goods with the fantasy of a painless life. As Howard psychologically unravels, the everyday world of diners, nightclubs, and lonely manicurists becomes a grotesque phantasmagoria.
In Lang’s Fury, the target of an attempted lynching is an innocent man. (Ditto in Losey’s The Lawless, about a racist riot sparked by a Mexican migrant being falsely accused of assault.) Pagano and Endfield made the tougher choice to show the full horror of lynching even when the victims are guilty. Filmed in the brutal heat of Phoenix, Arizona, using college students and what Endfield described as “Saturday-night drunks” as extras, the film’s climax is harrowing. The crowd surges and swirls like a firestorm; its howl of bloodthirsty joy is unforgettable.
Audiences and critics alike largely recoiled from the film, as though Endfield had burned the flag. After a private screening, an upset Joseph Cotten told the director, “Cy, we’ve both grown up in the same country, but I’m telling you, the America you know is not the America I know!”
Endfield realized that it was only a matter of time before he would be “named” and called to testify before HUAC. Like many others, he had drifted away from Communism, and left the party in 1948. He did not see why he should sacrifice his career, just as it was taking off, for a cause he no longer believed in, and he considered cooperating with the committee. However, he later recalled that when he was offered the chance to meet with FBI agents and declare his willingness to name names, he could not overcome the “personal revulsion” he felt at the “seediness” of this action. Instead, in December 1951 he bought a one-way ticket to England. Even there, the first films he directed—mostly low-budget crime thrillers—were credited to “Charles De Lautour,” “Hugh Raker,” and then “C. Raker Endfield” (Raker was his mother’s maiden name), since his name on a film would preclude its distribution in the United States. Not until 1961 would he be credited as “Cy Endfield.”
Endfield and his fellow blacklist exiles—among them Joseph Losey, Jules Dassin, and John Berry—struggled to rebuild their careers and lives abroad. Losey, who later pronounced his blacklisting a blessing in disguise because it got him out of Hollywood, was perhaps the best known of the filmmakers who settled in England. He and Endfield shared a fruitful association with the actor Stanley Baker, who appeared in four films for Losey and six for Endfield (including his biggest success, Zulu [1964], which Baker coproduced). The son of a Welsh coal miner, Baker led the way for a new generation of British movie stars who defiantly flaunted their proletarian, regional identities. It seems no accident that his career owed so much to left-wing American directors who brought an outside eye to Britain’s class system and the cultural upheaval of the postwar era. Baker’s first role for Endfield, in Child in the House (1956), gave him a break from action-movie and tough-guy typecasting, as a fugitive criminal redeemingly devoted to his young daughter. As Tom Yately in Hell Drivers, Baker has a quiet, bruised wariness, his rugged force restrained by memories of prison and the people he has hurt.
He moves through surroundings even bleaker than those in The Sound of Fury: gravel pits, quarries, grimy garages, dingy rooming houses, and raw, damp English weather. Endfield, who cowrote the script with John Kruse, said that he was thinking about Warner Bros. movies from the thirties and forties about men doing dangerous blue-collar jobs—but that in those films the jobs tended to be just backdrops to dramatic stories, while he wanted to focus on the work itself. There is the usual love triangle in Hell Drivers, with two male friends torn when a woman comes between them, but it is very much a sideshow. (The woman in question is played by a spirited and sexy Peggy Cummins, whose greatest role, in Gun Crazy [1950], was written by the blacklisted Trumbo.)

When Tom comes to work at Hawletts, a company that employs drivers to haul gravel over short distances, we learn exactly how many shillings they earn per load and how many loads they are expected to complete in a day. We get to know the roads, the machines, the sounds and textures of this world—you can all but smell the grit and asphalt and petrol, the grease in the “pull-in” where the drivers all eat. “There have been a lot of dramas on the rarified psychological plane,” Endfield said. “But with the survival jobs, the basic jobs, the contact with reality is reduced to simple, basic terms. And that is essentially cinematic.”
It is not that Endfield’s films ignore psychology, but that they express it through physicality and action. He excelled at capturing the dynamics of groups under pressure, and the tension between communities and individuals. Hawletts’ drivers form an insular society, and the only one who sees through their macho posturing is an outsider, an Italian former POW known as Gino (played by Czech British actor Herbert Lom), a sensitive and homesick stranger who befriends Tom. The others are caught up in endless joking, jockeying, and roughhousing, hazing newcomers and toadying to their self-appointed leader, Red (a terrifying Patrick McGoohan), the road foreman and “pace-setter.” The men’s huge, lumbering trucks, all blaring horns and grinding gears, are vehicles for their frantic need to be first in something, however petty. They compete to drive the most loads in a day, unaware that that they are colluding in their own exploitation, risking their lives so that the corrupt management can skim off extra profits.
British reviewers fixated on Endfield’s Hollywood touch, praising (or occasionally chiding) the film for its American-style red-blooded action. Few seemed to notice that this visceral thrill ride was loaded with radical messages about how profit-driven systems use competition and illusory rewards to blind their victims. This was just the kind of film that the red-baiters in Congress and Hollywood had tried to stamp out. It still hits hard today, but Endfield was disappointed that the Rank Organization, in addition to cutting some of his favorite scenes (due at least in part to censorship), did not effectively push the film’s release in the United States. He was increasingly frustrated with his career prospects, and bitter about seeing good projects slip through his fingers while the film industry clandestinely—and hypocritically, he felt—employed blacklisted writers working under fronts. In 1958, he contacted HUAC, asserting his rejection of Communism and pleading for a chance to clear himself without naming names, an act for which he still felt “emotional repugnance.” The committee refused.
His experience spotlights one of the most poisonous aspects of the HUAC hearings and the blacklist. It was not enough to declare oneself anti-Communist; the only way to obtain a clean bill of health was to rat on your colleagues, performing a ritualistic act of informing as a show of submission. Those who refused faced not only blacklisting but FBI surveillance, the confiscation of their passports, and even jail time. Many decided the price was too high. In 1960, Endfield flew to Washington and testified, naming associates, in order to get off the blacklist. He reaped some reward, securing funding and distribution from Paramount for his largest-scale and most acclaimed film, Zulu, but never reestablished himself in Hollywood.
Those who reversed their initial resistance—among them Edward Dmytryk and Robert Rossen—often justified the choice by citing their disenchantment with Communism. Abraham Polonsky had an answer to this. He had likewise become a skeptic about the party yet still defied HUAC; while blacklisted, he wrote the scripts for Odds Against Tomorrow (1959) and numerous episodes of the educational television program You Are There. “To betray your friends is a moral crime,” Polonsky said. “Not to believe in something you believed before is an act of liberation. There is a difference between the two things.” Others warned against passing judgment. Reflecting on those affected by the blacklist, Trumbo insisted: “It will do no good to search for villains or heroes or saints or devils, because there were none.”
Film noir is finely and indelibly shaded with moral ambiguity; those who commit monstrous acts, like Howard Tyler, may not be monsters, and those determined to do right, like Tom Yately, may still cause harm. The enforcers of the blacklist relied on crude demonization, painting Communism as a force so evil and dangerous that battling it justified bullying, guilt-by-association, and suppression of free expression. We will never know what films weren’t made because artists were driven from the industry or frightened into silence. But the films we do have by blacklistees are warning flares that have lost none of their urgency, to their credit and to our shame.
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